Towards the end of the tenure, the ruling BJP - under attack for allegations of corruption and bad governance - tinkered with the reservation matrix that previous governments had carefully steered clear of. In a State where political narratives are strongly driven by caste pressures, this has complicated the picture as Karnataka goes into elections on May 10.
While there have been sporadic protests against the changes in quotas (see graphics), the Opposition Congress and Janata Dal (Secular) have announced scrapping of the new OBC reservation, but have also been guarded since big caste groups are involved.
Role in govt formation
The politically powerful castes have always had influence on government formation in Karnataka. If the first independent BJP government in South India came to power riding on a perceived Lingayat sympathy wave in 2008, after Janata Dal (Secular) leader H.D. Kumaraswamy did not effectively hand over power to B.S. Yediyurappa as per the 20-20 agreement, the division of Lingayat votes between BJP and Mr. Yediyurappa-led Karnataka Janata Paksha (KJP) helped formation of Congress government under Siddaramaiah in 2013. Later, a perceived anti-Siddaramaiah sentiment among Lingayats (largely owing to his support for separate Lingayat reservation movement) coupled with antipathy among Vokkaligas is believed to have been factors in his defeat in 2018.
In the 2023 elections, however, more caste dimensions have come to play with the government’s decision. Under pressure from caste groups and keeping an eye on the ensuing elections, the BJP government increased the reservation quota for SC/STs, recommended internal quota among SCs and increased quota for categories where Lingayats and Vokkaligas are grouped in OBC.
While the BJP hopes to cash in on the goodwill of the SC/ST community over the increased reservation, the Congress has pointed out that the hiked quota as well as internal reservation are yet to be approved by the Centre. Though the BJP hoped to address the concerns of SC (Left) and Banjaras among others who are believed to back the saffron party, the community leaders have been sceptical of the decision.
In Karnataka, the Dalit votes are believed to be divided with the SC (Left) backing the BJP while the SC (Right) backs the Congress. The STs are believed to be backing the BJP. It is believed Lingayats in North and Central Karnataka back BJP while the Vokkaligas in Old Mysuru region back JD(S).
BJP government has also scrapped 4 % reservation for Muslims, providing the saffron party a polarising optics among its Hindutva electorate, and divided it among Vokkaligas and Veerashaiva-Lingayats. In doing so, it attempted to appease the Panchamasalis, a numerically strong subsect of Veerashaiva-Lingayat that has been demanding 2A category status in the Backward Classes. Despite the Panchamasalis’ demands not being fully met, the BJP has gone on an overdrive stating that the reservation to Muslims, whom it does not account as its voter base, has been equally divided among the two powerful land-owning communities. All these changes were brought in without empirical data available in public domain has now been questioned in the Supreme Court.
Confusion at grassroots
Though Congress and JD(S) term the changes in the caste matrix to be more cosmetic and prone to judicial challenge, leaders also concede that confusion reigns at the grassroots, with some not aware of developments or having no clarity on the consequences. Going into the elections, Congress and JD(S) have been clear in their opposition to scrapping of Muslim reservation. Congress has spoken of breaching the 50% ceiling to accommodate interest of all communities.
In this churn, the Congress is trying to reap the political harvest riding on the discontentment among the Panchamasalis who have traditionally supported BJP. The ignominious exit of Lingayat strongman Yediyurappa as Chief Minister is also in focus, as the community is repeatedly reminded of the “disgraceful” act.
The BJP seems to be as of now on the back foot in the Vokkkaliga narrative where the reservation issue is yet to resonate among the masses. There is no indication yet that the traditional voter base that supports JD(S) and Congress could shift significantly to the saffron party, swayed by the enhanced reservation.
An open question
Chief Minister Basavaraj Bommai has ventured to put his hand in a beehive in changing the reservation matrix. Only the poll outcome will reveal whether he got stung or extracted honey.
BJP’s reservation experiments
Scrapped 4% reservation to Muslims under the Backward Classes category 2B. Muslims have been moved to the 10% economically weaker section (EWS) quota. This issue is now before the Supreme Court.
The 4% has been divided equally among Vokkaligas/other castes and Veerashaiva-Lingayats/other castes who get 6% and 7% reservation on OBC quota.
Increased the reservation matrix for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes to 17% and 7% respectively based on their population, up from 15% and 3%.
Recommended internal reservation among the 101 Scheduled Castes by apportioning 6% to four broad SC (Left) castes; 5.5% to five broad SC (Right) castes; 4.5% to four touchable castes; 1% to 88 other communities.
Published - April 15, 2023 07:37 pm IST
