A typical conversation in Satara city with strangers and friends alike inevitably centres upon the antics of the sitting Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) MP Udayanraje Bhosale.
Nestled amid mountains Satara, a little over two hours from Pune, is overlooked by the magnificent Ajinkyatara fort, the seat of the later Maratha empire.
Yet today, the modern-day descendants of Chhatrapati Shivaji in the form of Udayanraje and his cousin, NCP MLA Shivendraraje Bhosale are more known for their undignified internecine quarrels (and reconcilations) which often oscillate from the rowdy to the farcical.
Vital issues like poor civic infrastructure and the deplorable state of education and medical services have been routinely jettisoned in the seemingly eternal family feud of the royalists.
Yet, Udayanraje Bhosale has maintained his hold over Satara for a decade now with a mix of strong-arm tactics, populist gimmicks, and high theatre.
Winning both the 2009 and the 2014 Lok Sabha elections by more than 3 lakh votes, Mr. Bhosale has a formidable opponent this time in Narendra Patil, fielded by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-Shiv Sena coalition.
Mr. Patil is the son of late Annasaheb Patil, the popular leader of Mathadi Kamgars (head loaders).
“Narendra Patil’s great advantage is a ready support-base of loyal Mathadi workers in Mumbai most of whom hail from Satara. He has an especially strong following in areas like Wai, Mahabaleshwar, the western parts of the district and Patan,” observes political analyst Shrikant Katre.
The key to the contest for Satara revolves around Karad and Patan, observes Mr. Katre. “Not once has Udayanraje bothered to come to Karad. There is no reason why we should vote for him,” says Mahadeo Bhanage, a resident of Karad.
While Udayanraje still holds sway with his populist appeal to the commoner on the street, this time voters do have a strong alternative in Mr. Patil, who is certainly giving him a run for his money.
However, despite enthusiastic response to his campaigns, Mr. Patil finds himself bogged down due to lack of a strong local organisation.
The Sena had a foothold in Satara as long as Hindurao Naik-Nimbalkar, with his stronghold in Phaltan, contested from here, managing to narrowly win the 1996 Lok Sabha poll by little more than 10,000 votes.
Since the Sena’s erosion, the BJP, led by local leaders of the region like Atul Bhosale and Chandrakant Patil, have been aggressively attempting to dislodge the NCP in the sugar-belt districts.
“Where the BJP-Sena combine is at a major disadvantage in contrast to the NCP is its lack of booth-level workers. Moreover, several villages in Wai and Mahabaleshwar are the family property of Udayanraje Bhosale and the people there eventually side with him due to a mix of fear and awe,” says an election watcher.
From his inebriated speeches to his fetish for brandishing the revolver, Udayanraje’s flamboyant actions have been the favourite of 24X7 news channels.
His long-standing rivalry with his uncle, Abhaysinh Bhosale (father of Shivendraraje Bhosale) culminated in a startling murder of a supporter of Abhaysinh in 1999. Udayanraje was named prime accused for the murder, but was acquitted in 2001.
However, Udayanraje continued his sparring with Shivendraraje. While a reconciliation of sorts was effected in 2005, differences flared up again during the 2016 municipal council polls when Udayanraje propped up a candidate against Shivendraraje’s wife, Vedantika. She lost the civic poll which further embittered Shivendraraje.
It took all of NCP chief Sharad Pawar’s powers of persuasion to patch up the differences between the two. While his photo is seen in Udayanraje’s campaign posters, sources opine that his wife’s defeat still rankles Shivendraraje.
“Shivendraraje has a strong influence in Satara Javali due to his personal connections. If his two lakh-odd constituents remain passive and do not vote for Udayanraje, it could pose serious problems for the latter,” says Mr. Katre.
Udayanraje also faces an undercurrent of resentment from the NCP’s Satara unit. The maverick MP’s relations with the NCP have always been strained. He had also served as Revenue Minister in the BJP-Shiv Sena government between 1995 and 1999. In September last year, the four NCP legislators from the district had requested Mr. Pawar to not pick field him this time.
“Development issues have been largely jettisoned in Satara. The educated youth couldn’t care less about Udyanraje’s collar-puffing style. Studious youth, ruing the lack of opportunities here, generally leave for Pune for higher studies and jobs,” says a local resident.
While Satara’s bylanes are dotted with plush row houses, its Civil Hospital is in a deplorable condition. The Satara MIDC functions on the caprices and connections of the two feuding royalist cousins.
“For several years, even paracetamol was not available in the civil hospital. Young doctors have resigned their posts, frustrated at the lack of basic amenities. The MP [Udayanraje] could have improved civic amenities and infrastructure of the city, but he only comes to Satara before election time,” said a noted city doctor, requesting anonymity.
Once a bastion of the Congress party, the Satara seat is a NCP stronghold, with four of the six Assembly constituents dominated by NCP legislators. Veteran Congress leader Y.B. Chavan won in 1967, 1971, 1977 and 1980 general elections with massive margins.
